There have been a lot of recent statements essentially making claims about base consolidation on the Republican side of the aisle. Almost all of the claims I've reviewed are inaccurate, incorrect, demonstrably false.
We've been tracking Trump or Bust voters alongside normal gauges pertaining to base consolidation for each candidate, for months. At the heart of these false claims is a lack of understanding RE: proportionality.
In order to better illustrate proportionality, I created the chart for "Republican Candidate-Specific Support (December 2023)" based on the survey question bearing the same name asked of 1,339 eligible Republican primary voters (and caucus-goers) interviewed for the National Poll in December.
It very much demonstrates and supports what Harry Enten attempted to argue in a recent column, which is that Donald Trump is by far the most likely to 1) consolidate the Republican primary coalition in a general election and 2) drive out the largest number of voters.
Take, for instance, the claim from Haley supporters that her voters could very well back Joe Biden in a general election. Indeed, 20.7% of her voters indicated in our poll that they would consider doing just that—and other polls mirror our findings. However, while "1 in 5 Haley voters would consider backing Biden" sounds like an alarming headline for the eventual nominee, the actual number of voters (27) is less than the 3.8% of Trump's voters (32) who indicated they would consider doing the same.
The 21.2% of Haley voters who would consider voting for a third party candidate is far less real votes (28) than the seemingly smaller 7.8% share of Trump voters who said the same (66). That's the impact of proportionality.
Put simply, Trump share of the vote is far larger, thus it is far more difficult (less likely even) for non-Trump candidates to consolidate his support if he is the nominee than visa-versa, and certainly they are more risky.
Further consider, the 1.7% of DeSantis supporters who said they would not vote at all if their candidate was not the nominee was derived from just TWO interviews. Two, that's it. By comparison, the 3.7% of Trump supporters who said the same represents interviews from 31 people.
Of course, the real risk and potential serious damage to any non-Trump coalition comes from the 39.7% of Trump voters who say they'll write-in his name if he's not the nominee. That means of the 1,339 total primary voters we interviewed, 334 explicitly stated they'd opt for Trump as a write-in protest vote.
Most conclusive, the total number of voters who indicated primary support for another candidate other than Trump and also indicated they might not vote for the party's nominee (149) is less than half the number of voters who simply say they would write-in Trump (334), and dwarfed further by the total number of Trump supporters (463) who indicated they might not vote for the party's nominee.
Hopefully, the colored columns demonstrate the impact of proportionality better than I, or anyone, can explain it.
https://www.datawrapper.de/_/PWwza/
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We miss diners and this is Lancer's Diner in Warrington, and it's amazing!
After nearly two years of discipline on issues that cost them the 2024 election, Democrats unleash the CRAZY in Bucks County. Paul Martino, their chief target during what was supposed to be a "discussion", joined to discuss.
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While attacking The New York Times/Siena Poll, a claim treats the leaned partisan composition of a likely-voter sample as evidence of bias against Republicans. In this episode, we test that inference against current party identification, independent leaners, vote preference, the broader political environment in the basic context of thermostat public opinion.
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https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Burn-It-Down/Rich-Baris/9798895658185
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Watch Live 3:00 PM EST — Robert Barnes and Rich Baris discuss in detail bombshell results within the Public Polling Project for Early Spring 2021, and more civil unrest amid the trial of Derek Chauvin for the death of George Floyd.
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The 2026 midterms have frequently been compared to the 2006 midterm cycle. That year, Democrats flipped 5 seats under their banner, but effectively netted 7 including Independents who caucused with them.
We tend to like to try to apply uniform swings to each state and race as to make our understanding or outcome expectations fit neatly into boxes. But that's not how it works.
So, a few things worth noting about the 2006 cycle.
Firstly, the fundamental presidential job approval rating. On November 6, 2006, President George W. Bush's approval rating was 38.9%/56.9%. President Donald Trump as of October 18, 2026 stands at 38.9%/59.4%.
In 2006, President Bush's numbers deteriorated measurably over these final weeks, as he did start October in the low 40s.
Secondly, the Generic Ballot doesn't ALWAYS translate into identical margin at the Senate level, which is why we also ask a Generic Senate Ballot. In 2006, Democrats outran their 7.9% National House Popular Vote (52.0% to 44.1%) ...
Rich sits down with David Remnick at The New Yorker to discuss Burn It Down and answer the question, "Has MAGA Lost Faith in Donald Trump?"
Rich opens up about how the collapse of the Trump Coalition means the very disappointing reality that the Right squandered a historic chance to narrow divides in this country and stop the End of Empire.
Burn It Down: https://www.amazon.com/Burn-Down-Polls-Americans-Really/dp/B0HJRZ7JGR/ref=cm_cr_arp_d_product_top
What makes the Trump endorsement of Netanyahu truly stunning is that Netanyahu was one of the first world leaders to congratulate Biden out of the gate back in 2020. Completely threw Trump under the bus and Trump doesn’t even have the balls to return the favor? Doesn’t he realize how weak this makes him look? Dude is a absolute doormat. I’ve accepted that we’re going to be in the wilderness for a long time. The sooner we start our exile, the better
Watching people attempt to "unskew" polls conducted by all walks of this industry—ranging from Nate Cohn at The New York Times to Spencer Kimball at Emerson College to Tim Malloy at Quinnipiac—all to deny Donald Trump's gains against Joe Biden with various voting blocs, is more than a little sad.
The slew of recent polls over two weeks—to include no less than four today alone—have simply confirmed prior findings published from other pollsters who have previously been "unskewed". That includes your's truly and our work at BIG DATA POLL, Mark Penn at Harvard University, Patrick Ruffini at Echelon Insights, and many others.
I'm temped to equate this with an Occam's razor-like situation. But this debate is more about likelihood than simplicity.
Here's the Presidential Vote Preference Trend for Biden v. Trump going back to August 2020. The Public Polling Project did not begin asking the Rematch Question for 2024 until September 2021. However, we can still make some pretty important and interesting observations.